Although Mr. Choi's Re-Education Foundation was the dominant presence of the Unification Church in the San Francisco Bay Area during the late 1960s and beginning years of the 1970s, his Re-Education Foundation (later the International Re-Education Foundation) was only one of three regional developments of the Unification Church in America. Miss Kim, after leaving the Bay Area in late 1965, directed the "Unified Family" of Washington, D.C., as well as a fluctuating network of centers throughout the United States. David Kim, while a Job Corps supervisor at Clearfield, Utah, continued to direct the Northwest family under the aegis of United Faith, Inc. More commonly referred to as Miss Kim's, Mr. Choi's and Mr. Kim's groups, the Unification Church in America during this period consisted of three independent corporations, each with its own newsletter, interpretation of the Principle, and membership.

The Bay Area continued to be significant as by the end of 1971, all three groups were represented there. The International Re-Education Foundation was at the zenith of its development in San Francisco. The Berkeley center, Miss Kim's Bay Area remnant, had grown rapidly and by 1971 was having a significant impact. Finally, Oakland chapel activities were intensified with the return of David Kim to the Bay Area in February, 1971. A tale of three cities emerged with the Bay Area as a possible focal point for the resolution of regional divisions and a source of national thrust.

However, rather than a focal point of unity, the Bay Area became a focal point of confrontation among the three groups. Disparate methods of proselytization, interpretations of the Principle, and overall style led to mutual suspicion, distrust and lack of communication. Although focused locally, there was little sense in which the Bay Area would serve as the locus for the resolution of missionary conflicts. If anything, differences were intensified in the close proximity of missionary groups to one another.

As a prelude to rounding out a treatment of the Unification Church prior to 1972, it is necessary to explore the interrelations among the three missionary groups. The best way to do so is through a consideration of the several attempts to forge a national movement during this period. While these attempts were not successful, they did highlight, often dramatically, the crucial role of the San Francisco Bay Area for any unifying thrust. The first such effort followed Rev. Moon's 1965 world tour.

Having decided to re-locate in Washington, D.C., following completion of her 1965 world tour with Rev. Moon, Miss Kim arrived there in the midst of a two-week "Mid-Winter Training Conference." Col. Bo Hi Pak opened the conference with the assertion that they were "assembling God's army for training and preparation in the battles to come." In a deeper sense, the conference served to convene various diaspora centers scattered across the states as a result of the earlier exodus out of the Bay Area. Members arrived at "Fellowship House" in Washington, D.C., from New York City, Cleveland, Texas, Oklahoma, and Philadelphia. The real purpose of the gathering was to kick off national headquarters. One member wrote:

At first our hearts were light and gay with all our brothers and sisters, and our security among ourselves. But as time wore on, we heard of the plans for the U.S. headquarters and the problems involved; our talk changed. As the lectures progressed and the questions rolled out, our belts tightened. ²⁰⁶

The most serious problem which Miss Kim addressed in her "Message for 1966" was the style of center life which had evolved during her absence. Miss Kim admonished:

I want to make a few remarks for those in the United States. Some members still seem to be interested in developing ESP; they fast and meditate a great deal. For the past long period of preparation for this new age, people had but to meditate and fast a certain amount. However, the new age has now dawned and we are in the Age of Action. . . .

We must use our common sense on these points. We must cultivate our common sense in the light of the Divine Principle. Then the common sense will become a better and more wholesome guide than ESP. I want you to equip yourselves with deep and broad understanding of the truth, rather than depending on ESP. ²⁰⁷

Noting in her message that Rev. Moon had commanded the group in Korea to double their membership in a three month period following his return, Miss Kim called on the American church to "parallel the movement in Korea, praying and working for the same goal." In this spirit, the national movement was launched.

Headed by Jim Fleming, who succeeded Gordon Ross as President of HSA-UWC and who preceded Miss Kim from the Bay Area to Washington, D.C., members organized a national staff. Not surprisingly, the February, 1966, issue of New Age Frontiers carried a lengthy "Report from Japan," detailing among other items their highly evolved national structure and subsequent growth. The implications were obvious. By April, Miss Kim left on a "swing through eastern U.S." drumming up support for the national organization.

Despite these developments, the newly emergent national movement faced two formidable obstacles. The first and most obvious of these involved opposition from rival missionaries. The second, while less obvious, was finally more devastating, and stemmed from the problems Miss Kim referred to in her new year address.

Predictably, the establishment of national headquarters in Washington, D.C., was viewed with suspicion by other missionary groups, especially David Kim's Northwest group. Whether in response to the East Coast "Mid-Winter Training Conference" or to the establishment of headquarters, the Northwest family inaugurated its own "Monthly Training Conference for the training of Northwest Leaders" in January, 1966. Gathering for three days every month in either Portland or Seattle, members from those cities as well as Eugene, Vancouver, B.C., and Boise devoted themselves to lectures, study and comprehensive examinations based on Individual Preparation for His Coming Kingdom: Interpretation of the Principles, by David S. C. Kim. This translation was normative in his group until 1972.

If there was any question as to Mr. Kim's group's attitude toward the newly-formed national headquarters, all uncertainty was gone by early spring, 1966. As Miss Kim toured centers in the eastern states, the United Temple Bulletin, official news organ of the Northwest group, featured a lengthy editorial entitled, "Expressed Opinions on so called `National Headquarters', Washington, D.C., by the Northwest Families." Noting "pressure from this newly established headquarters toward local centers and also to the Northwest Chapel," the article listed a five-point critique:

1. Membership on a piece of paper means nothing until we can unite in heart and mind.

2. The departments and functions are vague and ambiguous, lacking in practical application to the situations in this country.

3. It is felt that the Board of Directors should be composed of a more equal number from each group. As it is presently set up, there is no guarantee that the group having the most members on the board will not use dictatorial methods in running the body. The members from the other groups will have little or no say on the board.

4. Most members strongly opposed the propositions set down by Wash., D.C., on tests, certificates, and membership. They feel they are already in the Heavenly family. How can one become a member by only sending in a subscription to the Washington body? Each missionary should exercise their own test system. The proposition set down on certificates, etc, are not acceptable.

5. It was agreed not to send letters of disagreement at this time to Washington, D.C. but rather to wait until Our Master comes and then certain points can be clarified. ²⁰⁸

Besides these five summary points, the article included more vitriolic comments from individual members. One charged the new headquarters with "definite attempts very recently to split and destroy the Northwest Family, rather than to unite." Another asserted, "From the beginning the so called National Headquarters in Washington, D.C. has shown by their dictatorial methods that they will dictate to us our methods of teaching, preaching, etc., even to the extent of telling us we cannot use certain words." Against this backdrop, Mr. Kim's own comments were more conciliatory:

From the beginning, when I started this work in 1959 in Oregon, we had different methods and opinions than those of the San Francisco group, most of whom are now in Washington, D.C. The ideas on the methods of doing this work are slightly different, but the goal is the same. . . .

The Korean missionaries, including myself, should give up their old attitudes and reconceptualize the whole thing and meet together on an equal basis and with mutual understanding and true love in order to solve many years old problems. ²⁰⁹

Although conciliatory, David Kim, nonetheless, stood firmly for coordination and cooperation among the groups rather than centralization.

Interestingly, the United Temple Bulletin article also included comments of Sang Ik Choi who had recently begun work in San Francisco. Mr. Choi also opted for local autonomy:

Because of the different individual personalities and educational backgrounds of each missionary, their teaching methods are different. This fact plus the characteristic nature of the American continent makes it impossible to have formal unity in structure and administrative fields. ²¹⁰

Mr. Choi also responded to Jim Fleming's March 30, 1966, letter addressed to all American families, saying,

The Korean missionaries cannot be under the American president or any chairman. They are equally assigned the right to say and right to preach without any disturbance from any other source.

Jim's letter gives the impression that he will rule all things in the U.S. I have to say truth to the American family because there is lots of conflict on this matter of unity. I think, personally, there is no disunity, but as in any organization there are disagreements which are not necessarily bad, but in order to progress we need different opinions. We must not say [any] one is Satan because he does not agree. ²¹¹

If opposition from rival missionaries stymied the newly emergent national movement from its inception, internal problems beleaguered headquarters as it attempted to evolve. It would take more than organization to overcome the kinds of difficulties referred to by Miss Kim in her New Year's message. Rather than exciting testimonies from the field, by September, 1966, the New Age Frontiers was publishing such article reprints as "Five Ways to Combat Depression" and calling on outlying centers to make regular reports. By November, the problem was recognized to originate less in outlying centers than in headquarters itself. As one member put it,

Because of the importance of Washington Center as National Headquarters, Satan has been very busy and has successfully held this Center in a virtual state of immobility. Many sobering discussions on this subject have marked recent months. The Executive Committee determined that Satan has taken enough, so the stage is being set for an all out attack. ²¹²

Ironically, this "all out attack" took the form of more organization. Philip Burley was called to Washington, D.C. in December, 1966, to head the Field Operations Department. The Field Operations Department was only one of five newly created departments. Others were Administration, Publications, Public Relations, and Business Enterprises. Combined with the election of national officers for 1966-67, there was renewed hope. One New York member enthused,

My brothers and sisters, it is true! The tide is turning, there is a new sense of mobilization. A sense of drawing up the forces for a new confrontation. There is a sense of transition from one state of activity to a higher, fuller one. ²¹³

Such hopes, however, were largely illusionary, and the discrepancy between organizational initiatives and concrete results produced casualties. The first casualty was Jim Fleming, whose March 1, 1967, resignation as president was accepted at a special session of the board of directors in Washington, D.C., on March 8th. Lowell Martin, from Oakland, California, and national Vice-President, West, was unanimously elected by the board to complete Jim Fleming's term of office. Although hope was again generated, particularly in the area of economic expansion, by the end of 1967, Lowell Martin also was a casualty and was succeeded by Philip Burley. It was clear that national headquarters was faltering.

If Miss Kim still asserted in a January, 1968, New Age Frontiers feature article that "Washington Center serves as U.S. Headquarters of our movement as well as nerve center of the entire Western World," ²¹⁴ it was equally clear that the movement had changed. For the remainder of the 1960s, Washington was not the hub of a national movement but a vigorous and successfully operating local center. Rather than extending its grasp across the country, the Washington Center became an example for other Unified Families to follow. It is in this context that the Washington Center influenced Bay Area developments through the Berkeley Center.

Of those centers subscribing to the Washington pattern, none were more successful than the Berkeley Center. At the same time, none were more closely connected to Washington. These ties were evident in the three founding members of the Berkeley Center: Edwin Ang, a Chinese doctoral student in economics at the University of California at Berkeley and 1962 convert of Miss Kim's original Bay Area group; Farley Jones, a Princeton University graduate, former law student and Washington Center member whom Miss Kim sent out to help in November, 1967; and Betsy O'Neill, a graduate student in psychiatric nursing at Columbia University whom Miss Kim sent out in June, 1968.

Originally housed in a single bedroom apartment, the Berkeley Center expanded to a three room flat and eight members by the end of 1968; to two houses and twenty-one members by the end of 1969; and to three centers housing forty members by the end of 1970. In June of 1970, Edwin Ang declared, "the call in Berkeley is for full scale advance along four major lines of attack; through spiritual activities, through business, through education, and through political involvement." ²¹⁵ This fourfold division tells the story of the Berkeley Center's development as well as its connection to Washington.

Prior to Farley Jones' arrival in Berkeley, Edwin Ang's main spiritual activity had been "survival." ²¹⁶ Following Farley and Betsy's arrival, however, a new era of active evangelization began in the Berkeley Center. As Farley later noted, "we just put in hours of witnessing, hours of teaching, a lot of fasting and it was very exciting." ²¹⁷ This evangelistic thrust was reflected in a letter of Jeff Tallakson, a former Campus Crusade for Christ affiliate and new member, who wrote,

The most important of our goals for 1969 is witnessing, because this is the basis upon which our purpose here in Berkeley rests. We must advance upon Satan's front line so we can be creative behind the lines. We are developing new ways of witnessing and finding new battlegrounds. ²¹⁸

These developments were consistent with the Washington pattern. There, twelve dedicated new members moved into the center by the end of 1968. The new emphasis was not on national mobilization but on daily efforts and patience. Philip Burley wrote,

In our life there are high points of joy and success and creativity, but the major pattern is the day-to-day small, steady progress. Often this does not seem to show great results, and it is easy to get discouraged. But it is only through this steadfastness that we can remain faithful. ²¹⁹

At the same time, there were innovations. In Washington, a "witno-bus" method had been adopted with members piling into the center van for after-dinner and weekend forays on nearby college campuses. Later, "witno-captains" led Washington members on "witno-ventures" into laundromats, the National Zoo, and airports.

The Washington pattern of center life was also influential on the Berkeley Center. Having closed the gap on Washington in terms of membership, the Berkeley Center also strove to draw closer in terms of organization. As one member wrote in an August, 1969, report "We began establishing a more basic pattern of Family life, largely following Washington's example." ²²⁰ By June, 1970, three days were regularly set aside for specific purposes: Sundays for morning sermons, trips to Holy Ground and practice teaching sessions for new teachers in the evening; Wednesday evenings for a mid-week hour of prayer, including reading and song; and Saturdays for morning cleaning, afternoon witnessing and evening Principle Study sessions from xerox copies of Mr. Eu's newly translated, though not yet printed, Principle lectures. ²²¹

A persistent problem faced by all Unified Families was the necessity of economic support. Because nearly all members held full-time jobs, evangelistic activities were curtailed, being limited to evening hours and weekends. One attempt to deal with this problem was the setting up of Family businesses. The Washington Center experimented with "Kim Home Cleaning" and "Omega Office Service." During the 1970 Christmas season, members sold Pixie Chimes, Popcorn Plastic Plaques, and Holiday Sachets door to door at a forty percent commission from the Gattis Corporation, a wholesale notions outfit, to raise funds for the printing of new song books. ²²²

The Berkeley Center concentrated its business endeavors on printing. Whether in response to Mr. Choi's International Exchange Press in San Francisco or not, by November, 1968, the Berkeley Center acquired an offset printing press and in early 1969 established Logos Litho-Print in a small shop off Telegraph Avenue in Berkeley. From those beginnings, Logos Litho-Print expanded to include a secretarial service, two additional presses, an IBM composer, and a process camera housed in a twenty-one room building with over 7,000 feet of office space. ²²³

Most of the Berkeley center's members were students. A January, 1970, report noted that only three of the center's twenty-one members were non-students, and of those three, two were teachers. ²²⁴ While several members attended the University of California at Berkeley, a June, 1970 report counted members at two local high schools and six area colleges. At least seven members joined from Holy Names College in Oakland.

This development was consistent with the Washington trend toward an active witness on college campuses. There, the center flooded the Washington Area Free University Catalogue with a variety of New Age courses. Standing out among the cooking and literature classes, listings included The New Man, The End of the World, Dawn of a New Age, In Search of Freedom, and The 21st Century. ²²⁵ Besides Free University offerings, the Washington Center launched incipient campus clubs at the University of Maryland, Georgetown, American University, and Catholic University.

In Berkeley, this pattern emerged on the University of California campus in April, 1969, with the establishment of a new club, the Forum for New Age Unification. The name was changed to Students for New Age Unification in January, 1970, and finally to Students for World Unification, (SWU) in 1971 to be consistent with the Washington group. In that same year, several Berkeley Center members organized Students for Integrated Education and offered an accredited course at the University of California. Entitled "Integrated Education I: Contemporary Problems," the course was available for four units of independent study credit through the sociology and economics departments. ²²⁶

Aside from campus activity, the other educational outlet of the Unified Family was Koinonia. Described in a brochure as "an opportunity for young adults to interact in dialogue in an informal atmosphere," Koinonia attempted to appeal "to the serious individual who is interested in participating with others in a search for deeper understanding." ²²⁷ Weekly programs focused on themes of a religious or philosophical nature and included outside lecturers, entertainment and refreshments. While Washington's biggest turnout was twenty-eight non-family members to hear Dr. Nikolai Khokhlov, a Russian psychologist, Berkeley Koinonia set "an all-time attendance record" of nearly four hundred people by sponsoring a talk by thirteen year-old guru Balyogeshwar Shri Sant Ji Marahaj in August, 1971. Although this number was impressive, one Berkeley member complained that many who attended "were not of the best quality and thus the attempt to use this as a witnessing opportunity was by and large frustrated." ²²⁸

If the Unified Family's business and educational efforts meant more interaction with society, political involvement held forth the same promise. Previously almost apolitical, Miss Kim's group became increasingly active in the late 1960s in order to link up with the movement's anti-Communist activities in Japan and Korea. The first step in this linkage was the founding of the Freedom Leadership Foundation (FLF) in the summer of 1969. Conceived of as an educational foundation, FLF held its first workshops for church members in August and September of that year.

Despite opposition from some within the movement, Unified Family centers quickly established FLF affiliates throughout the country. However, activities clearly were focused in Washington. There, FLF President Neil Salonen fashioned a broad coalition with the Student Coordinating Committee for Peace with Freedom in October, 1969. Consciously attempting to preempt the October 15, 1969 antiwar moratorium, more than forty students joined in a three day fast beginning Thursday, October 10. Urging citizens "to take a positive and constructive approach toward a very complex problem, rather than retreating behind a very simplistic, unrealistic solution," the fast attracted wide coverage. FLF President and Fast Coordinator Neil Salonen noted:

Although we organized on short notice, we were covered by two local television stations each evening and our final rally was broadcast on nationwide NBC television. Most of those fasting were interviewed on radio stations for broadcast during their news programs. In addition, the news of our fast was carried to all newspapers in the country through United Press International (UPI) and Associated Press (AP). Many congressmen sent messages of their support in the days following the fast. ²²⁹

Even more noteworthy was a wire of thanks received from President Nixon:

I have noticed your three-day fast for freedom in Vietnam and I am grateful for your understanding and support of our patient efforts to achieve peace in Vietnam with freedom and justice, without which any peace could not be durable or endurable. ²³⁰

Undoubtedly, such early successes went a long way toward silencing internal opposition to political involvement. In this sense, the real impact of the fast was less on society than on the movement itself. When FLF acquired Federal tax-exempt status which prohibited lobbying and demonstrations, members formed new coalitions. American Youth for a Just Peace (AYJP) was organized in May, 1970, to lobby in defense of U.S. action in Cambodia and against the McGovern-Hatfield and Cooper-Church bills. ²³¹

The Berkeley Center sent representatives to FLF workshops and started its own chapter to begin raising the consciousness of its members about Marxist-Leninist ideology. However, given the nature of Berkeley, it was not long before consciousness-raising became confrontational. Even by Berkeley campus standards, a noticeable flap ensued as a result of AYJP activities on the campus of the University of California in May, 1971.

Earlier that spring, Neil Salonen traveled to South Vietnam to obtain from Saigon students groups a refutation of the then widely publicized People's Peace Treaty. An effort to make peace among the students of North and South Vietnam and the United States, treaty supporters claimed the support of the South Vietnam National Student Union, a supposed 35,000 member student organization there. Neil Salonen found this to be a "totally fictitious organization" and AYJP mobilized to counter "ratification" efforts by students at American colleges.

In Berkeley, a May 12, 1971, Press Conference called by FLF and AYJP Berkeley chapter President Dan Fefferman highlighted the confrontational aspects of this effort. With nearly seventy people in attendance, including three Bay Area television news teams and press representatives from the Daily Californian, Berkeley Gazette and San Francisco Chronicle, Fefferman read a statement "exposing" the People's Peace Treaty. Equally significant was his summary of AYJP's stance in Berkeley:

Our group has been active on campus for about three weeks. The response of the radicals to our presence exposes them for the reactionaries that they are. We have been threatened, physically intimidated, and accused of being CIA agents every day. Our posters have been ripped down, our signs defaced and our sisters insulted. ²³²

It is impossible to appreciate the spiritual, economic, educational, and political "full-scale advance" of local centers such as Berkeley without reference to Rev. Moon's thirty-nine day visit to the United States as a part of his second world tour in February and March, 1969. Accompanied by Mrs. Moon, Mr. Eu (President of HSA-UWC, Korea), Mrs. Won Pak Choi, and Mr. Kuboki (President of HSA-UWC, Japan), Rev. Moon arrived at San Francisco International Airport on February 4, 1969 and at Washington headquarters on February 9th. It was during this stay that assembled American members heard first-hand of anti-Communist and student activities of the Korean and Japanese members.

Equally significant were Mr. Eu's Divine Principle lectures which American members heard for the first time. Finally, Rev. Moon's whirlwind tour of machine shops in New York City raised members' consciousness with regard to economic enterprises.

If these activities were determinative of the four lines of attack already discussed, the major focus of Rev. Moon's stay in Washington, D.C., was the blessing in marriage of thirteen American couples: six previously married and seven new couples. The first marriage in the church outside of Korea, those taking part in the February 28th ceremony included George Norton and the Pumphreys from Miss Kim's original Bay Area group. Other participants were Edwin Ang from Berkeley, American HSA-UWC President Philip Burley, and two couples from Mr. Kim's Northwest group. ²³³

Following Rev. Moon and his party's departure from Kennedy International Airport on March 15, 1969, another wedding for eight couples was held in Essen, Germany, on March 28, 1969. There, Pauline Phillips and Doris Walder from Miss Kim's original Bay Area community were "blessed." Other participants there included Elke Klawiter, Peter Koch, the Werners and Barbara Koch, all of whom had joined under Miss Kim in the Bay Area. A third ceremony for twenty-two couples in Japan was held in late April, 1969.

The impact of Rev. Moon's second world tour on the American church was reflected both in a full scale advance of local centers and in a re-emerged sense of national solidarity and urgency, at least among Miss Kim's group. Spurred on by newly blessed members joining spouses in the field, Washington Center reports began emphasizing the "outgo" of its members in May, 1969. By June, headquarters members had reinforced activities in Berkeley, Toronto (Canada), Philadelphia, New York, Baltimore, St. Louis, and Miami. They had begun new centers in College Park, Maryland, and New Haven, Connecticut. In that same month of June, HSA-UWC President Philip Burley re-instituted monthly Field Operations reports with witnessing results. ²³⁴

Despite these developments, efforts to forge a national movement were abortive. Again, the difficulties were at headquarters center. This time, however, the problem was less a top-heavy national staff than it was the formation of new organizations-FLF, student groups, and Koinonia -- designed to influence society rather than to convert individuals. This development, when combined with the "outgo" of Washington's best witnessing members, created a situation of immobility at headquarters reminiscent of 1966. Once again, the discrepancy between organizational initiatives and the hard facts of witnessing results produced casualties starting at the top-this time, HSA-UWC President Philip Burley, who resigned in November, 1969, and joined the "outgo" of Washington members by starting a new center in Boston.

The Berkeley Center's connection to national headquarters solidified in December, 1969, when Farley Jones replaced Philip Burley as the new president of HSA-UWC and moved to Washington, D.C. Farley, who "played the role of out-front charger-up" in the Berkeley Center, brought the same spirit to Washington. In January, 1970, he initiated a forty-day movement with chain fasts, prayer teams, and "witno-ventures" to bring new members. When Miss Kim left for a visit to Korea in February, he called for a "National 90-Day Prayer Condition" of support. During this period, Washington Center members fasted one day per week, witnessed to at least three people per day, and prayed together for an hour every evening. At the same time, weekend witnessing intensified and six members completed seven day fasts. By April, 1970, in his first quarterly report, Farley announced "the transferal to other centers of four older Washington Center members." ²³⁵

Although these developments were significant, they were overshadowed by news Miss Kim brought back from Korea in June, 1970, of an international marriage of over seven hundred couples to be held in Seoul the following October. Included among the five prospective couples from Miss Kim's group were Farley Jones and Betsy O'Neill. Called the "largest mass wedding in history" and covered by the Washington Post and Time magazine, the marriage was crucial to the American movement's development as it afforded members first-hand exposure to the Japanese and Korean churches. For several, this exposure was devastating. One wrote:

In Japan and Korea . . . the time spent with Miss Kim was often difficult for her and for all of us . . . . I am sure that she also hoped we would take greater responsibility than we ever dreamed to attempt to take in re-directing our American movement after the pattern of our far-eastern families. So many times, through her instruction and direction, we were exposed to brutally truthful comparisons between the sacrificial, passionate, deep Japanese and Korean members and ourselves, as individuals and as representatives of our American movement. ²³⁶

The gap was not only attitudinal. It also was evident in concrete accomplishments. In Japan, members arrived in time to participate in the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) conference for which the Japanese church had raised $1,800,000 through a nationwide street solicitation and flower-selling campaign. ²³⁷ In Korea, they stayed in a compound consisting of a factory, two dormitories and a lecture hall built by Korean members for economic and anti-Communist work.

All of this had great impact on a new plan for American mobilization announced by Farley Jones at the movement's first "Director's Conference" held in Washington from December 31, 1970, to January 3, 1971. In his opening address, Farley stated, "We have never fulfilled the minimum foundation of faith necessary for a strong movement in America," ²³⁸ and in the course of the conference announced two decisive measures: one symbolic and the other practical. First, Miss Kim's group changed its name from the "Unified Family" to the "Unification Church" for the purpose of effecting impact, respectability, and stability. Second, the group altered its organizational thrust from a policy of "unregulated expansionism" to a policy of "reconsolidation" whereby they would consolidate "from twenty-one small groups to five points of power -- Berkeley, Denver, Los Angeles, New York, and Washington." ²³⁹

To some extent, the new policy was a Berkeley initiative. Following Farley's speech, Edwin Ang, a chief architect of the reconsolidation plan, outlined arguments in favor of the proposal. Arguing that the American movement should be able to double its membership yearly as that "has been the pattern in general in Berkeley and other centers when they have been spiritually strong," Edwin elaborated a multiplication scheme. According to his figures, expansion from the group's present size "to a movement of some 15,000 persons" (the number he described as minimal in order to have nationwide impact) in the next six years was not an optimistic goal. It was, rather, "what can be done with only an ordinary amount of sacrifice and a more efficient method of training." ²⁴⁰

Besides membership growth, several other arguments were advanced for acceptance of the proposal. It was suggested that for a small center "to try to carry on vigorous spiritual work, and at the same time make a strong political impression on the community, and start a Family business is not reasonable . . . the Center Director is worn out trying to solve problems in each of the three contexts." The advantages of reconsolidation in alleviating communication breakdowns between headquarters and local centers was also stressed. However, by far the most effective argument for acceptance of sweeping changes was the example of the Japanese and Korean churches, a point that was driven home for conference participants through a presentation of slides from the recent trip. Particularly humiliating was what Farley termed, "the gulf between the accomplishments of the Japanese and ourselves over equal periods of effort." One member wrote:

Even taking into account the cultural differences and the visits of Our Leader, there is still much that can only be explained by some lack in ourselves. ²⁴¹

In short, the feeling was that the American movement had to make bold moves to demonstrate its faith. Although Miss Kim remained in Korea following the October 1970 wedding, Mrs. Shin Wook (Lady Doctor) Kim, an early member and recent immigrant utilized the phrase, "No wet cheeks in America," to indicate a lack of desperation and dependence on God. By pulling up stakes, leaving homes, jobs, and friends, reconsolidation seemed to be a way to demonstrate commitment and to taste tears. Nor were appeals to the American tradition of "rising to the occasion" lacking. As one member stated, "Centuries from now, let us look back, with the thought that the American movement was truly born here, through our energetic implementation of these guidelines." ²⁴²

Unfortunately, these hopes were disappointed. Despite an initial euphoria which cast "caravans" from smaller centers after the fashion of Abraham journeying from Ur of Chaldea or the Israelites traveling to Canaan, there were problems. First, although Farley and Edwin sold the idea of reconsolidation to gathered directors, the directors had to sell the idea to local membership. It was one thing to agree to the proposal en masse at headquarters and quite another thing to convince members in the field. That there were compromises is evident in the February/March New Age Frontiers' reference to "the huge task of consolidating sixteen centers into eight" as opposed to the original ratio of twenty-one to five. Second, for those centers which did receive substantial reinforcements, such as the Washington Center, which grew from thirty to seventy members in one month, there were serious adjustment problems. A member from Washington, D.C., wrote:

In this time of transition, we are experiencing many feelings: how will we maintain a strong sense of family relationship in such a large center? How will we survive spiritually in such cramped quarters? What on earth will we do about the hot water situation? We feel lost without personal attention from our leaders, so much more available in the past. ²⁴³

The answer to most of these problems, at least at headquarters, was increased organization. Small committees met with directors "to plan how to effectively use the multiplied energy now available." FLF assembled a full-time staff and a national training program began. However, the new problem was a growing discrepancy between the "leap of faith" that had brought members to Washington and the emergent bureaucracy that greeted them on arrival. Moreover, emphasis had shifted once again from winning converts to influencing society.

This social thrust was evident at the Second National Director's Conference held in Washington beginning June 27, 1971. Taking as its theme, "The Winning of America," Farley's opening address dealt not about the need to establish a foundation of faith but about "the need to widen the scope of our activity . . . by developing new programs and activities." Rather than slides from Korea and Japan, the conference featured a series of films on executive management." ²⁴⁴ A New Age Frontiers editorial, evaluating the Second National Director's Conference, contended:

There was a time in our movement when we truly believed that to build the Kingdom of God in America, we had only to witness every day and teach as many people as possible. . . . Our belief . . . was not misguided, only very childlike. ²⁴⁵

The new direction was "out of the era of blind faith" and into a sphere of "creative effort." The same editorial spoke of utilizing the experiences of other movements, the patterns "that are working in Korea and Japan," and "with the help of God," fashioning a synthesis "tailored to the American need." However, in seeking to spark "a renaissance of American civilization," this thrust dissipated witnessing energies. Although the dearth of new members was less conspicuous amid crowded conditions, the gaps in the "monthly" New Age Frontiers (only two issues between July and December, 1971) pointed to a general lack of activity. By focusing energy on "The Winning of America," the reconsolidation effort lost its cutting edge.

If reconsolidation efforts were blunted on the national level, the Berkeley Center was a good example of the effects of reconsolidation locally. There, the Kansas City group arrived in June, 1971. By August, half of that contingent and their director had returned to Kansas City. A later Berkeley Center "Evaluation of Spiritual Activities, 1971" noted that the influx of large numbers of people created problems of coordinating people and housing, brought a different orientation of Principle, criticism of the established center pattern and confusion over leadership roles. Reconsolidation, in short, was a distraction to the Berkeley Center. It compounded problems rather than benefits. Whereas the center began 1971 with forty members and with a goal to reach eighty by 1972, the actual number at the close of the year was fifty-two. ²⁴⁶

Equally distressing as the failure to double membership were the conflicts that emerged as a result of the Kansas City split. One leader angrily told those departing that they were not true members, that they could not teach the Principle, and that they would never be blessed (i.e., married) in the church. In this sense, the final upshot of reconsolidation was a painful realization that no less than rival missionary groups, Miss Kim's own group was disunited and splintered.

The whole time that Miss Kim's group was working to forge a national movement, Mr. David (Sang Chul) Kim's Northwest group continued to be active and a factor on the national scene. "United Faith, Inc.," as the Northwest group was officially known, was also a factor in the Bay Area. Although Mr. Kim's Oakland Chapel did not experience the growth of either Miss Kim's group in Berkeley or Mr. Choi's group in San Francisco, his group's presence in the Bay Area had local and movement-wide ramifications. For this reason, it is important to consider both the Northwest family's Bay Area activities and its relationship to the other missionary groups.

Unlike Miss Kim's original group and Mr. Choi's later group, Mr. Kim's Northwest group never thought of the Bay Area as their primary mission field. First and foremost, Mr. Kim was "missionary to the Northwest." Inheriting members that Miss Kim left behind in Eugene and raising his own converts in Portland, a major thrust of the Northwest group from its beginnings were yearly "Forty day evangelical campaigns" of often solitary missionaries traveling as far east as Chicago. By July, 1965, the group's newsletter, United Temple Bulletin, claimed six states where "our Northwest families" are working: Chicago, Illinois; Cheyenne, Wyoming; Boise, Idaho; Salt Lake City, Utah; Seattle, Washington; Portland, St. Helens, and Eugene, Oregon. ²⁴⁷ The Bay Area was added to this list on September 1 1965 when Mr. Kim enrolled at Pacific School of Religion in Berkeley.

Living at Edwin Ang's apartment in Berkeley until moving to Oakland in January, 1966, David Kim attended Pacific School of Religion, the second seminary and fourth school he had attended since coming to America in 1959. Unlike Miss Kim who began full-time missionary work five years previously, Mr. Kim was forced to retain his student status in a constant battle to remain in the country. After being expelled from Western Conservative Baptist Seminary in 1961 as a result of damaging testimony from disaffected members who attempted to have him deported, Mr. Kim enrolled at Portland University, the University of Oregon (M.A. in Education, 1965) and Pacific School of Religion in a constant effort to keep ahead of the immigration authorities. As he later wrote,

I have been under constant persecution and have traveled some mighty thorny roads. It was all I could do to survive and to remain in this country in order to continue to fulfill my heavenly mission. ²⁴⁸

Mr. Kim's "heavenly mission" took him to Clearfield, Utah, in September, 1966, after an eight month stint as a rehabilitation counselor intern for Goodwill Industries in the San Francisco Bay Area. Immigration officials had allowed him to retain his student visa while pursuing full-time employment with the Thiokol Chemical Corporation as a counselor for culturally deprived youth at the Clearfield, Utah, Job Corps Center. From his Clearfield base, Mr. Kim directed Northwest family operations for the next five years.

Although David Kim left the Bay Area in September, 1966, the Northwest family remained. In August, the United Temple Bulletin reported on witnessing efforts of Mr. Kim and two other Northwest members at the University of California campus, Berkeley. The ranks were further bolstered in July, 1966, by the arrival from Korea of David Kim's wife and youngest son. Because of Mr. Kim's visa status, his immediate family was required to maintain residency in California. In this way, a nucleus of Northwest members remained for the duration of David Kim's Job Corps tour.

A new stage of Northwest involvement in the Bay Area began following incorporation of the group as United Faith, Inc. in June, 1969. The previous October, through the intercessory efforts of Congressman Lawrence J. Burton (R-Utah), David Kim won his immigration battle and was awarded a permanent visa. ²⁴⁹ Covered fairly substantially by Utah news media as a human interest story, this victory as well as the May, 1969 arrival in Oakland of David Kim's three college aged sons helped point the Northwest movement in new directions.

More important, however, was Rev. Moon's second world tour. Just as with Miss Kim's group, the impact of Rev. Moon's 1969 visit on Northwest members (four of whom were blessed in Washington, D.C.) was that of revitalization and expanded vision. In the Northwest group, this took the form of a massive reorganization. On June 12, 1969, Mr. Kim and his eldest son, Sung Soo, traveled to Portland, Oregon to attend a Northwest Board of Directors meeting. There, as reported in the United Temple Bulletin, "In order to advance our United Faith Movement to an international level, the name of `United Chapel of Portland, Inc.' was changed to `United Faith, Inc.'" Part of this reorganization also included the appointment of directors, assistant directors, and committee members for departments of Administrative Affairs, Home and Foreign Missions, International Cultural Exchange, and Enterprise. ²⁵⁰

As a result of David Kim gaining his permanent visa, favorable publicity in the Utah press, Rev. Moon's visit, the arrival of Mr. Kim's three sons, and the reorganization of the Northwest movement, a feeling of optimism prevailed within the ranks of United Faith, Inc., during the summer and autumn of 1969. In October, David Kim asserted, "Spiritually our N.W. family work will grow from now on." In November, he stated,

We already set up our permanent Structure (Four Departments) under the new name of our organization (United Faith, Inc.), and responsible personnel are appointed. From now on the rest of the task is to wait and see how the system works and how each of us as strong Heavenly Soldiers can function and fulfill our missions in each state. ²⁵¹

In short, the system didn't work. Mr. Kim instructed that "each member bring 3 converts," but by the end of 1969 the heavenly soldiers were themselves struggling. "The month of December," as Mr. Kim noted, had "been very low for all families in the Northwest." There were serious financial problems and physical illness. Moreover, caught in the crunch between organizational initiatives and a general lack of concrete results, there were casualties.

The most drastic of these casualties was the Berkeley Chapel. There, several Bay Area married couples as well as a "United Barber Shop" of Alameda (two barbers converted) had loosely affiliated themselves in a weekly fellowship but found the pressures of maintaining a chapel too much for them. Thus, despite a solemn November 9, 1969, dedication ceremony and a proclamation "to Heaven and Earth," the newly established Berkeley chapel (1104 Shattuck Avenue) all but folded in January, 1970. In February, Mr. Kim was asking for "prayers to restore the Berkeley chapel financially and membership-wise." By March, he was forced to note, "The situation of the Bay Area in relation to the Berkeley family problem has been getting worse . . . almost at the verge of total failure." ²⁵²

The final stage of Northwest activities in the Bay Area followed David Kim's resignation from the Job Corps and his return to Oakland in February, 1971. The previous August he had returned to Korea for a ten day visit (his first since coming to America in 1959) and, like Miss Kim and her members, was impressed with activities there, especially the anti-Communist work. While in Korea, he was asked by Rev. Moon when he would be ready for reassignment, and a Buddhist spiritualist prophesied of his coming "Heavenly Mission" after "long suffering and long preparation of 10 years." ²⁵³ All of these encounters were influential on Mr. Kim's decision to leave the Job Corps. In December 1970 he wrote:

I am seriously thinking of my resignation from the job to engage myself in full-time missionary work and to launch Anti-Communist campaigns. . . . Many unsettled problems I have, personally and financially, etc. But I can not let my time run out. ²⁵⁴

Following a December 28, 1970, Board of Directors Meeting at the Utah Chapel, at which time United Faith, Inc. representatives were re-appointed to ten states and Canada, Mr. Kim, on January 4, 1971, submitted his resignation to the Clearfield Job Corps Center, giving thirty days notice. As he stated in his resignation paper, "My future plans are to engage more actively in so-called `United Faith Movement' on the international level from the month of February, 1971." ²⁵⁵ Mr. Kim's wife came to Utah to accompany him to California, and on February 14, they left, arriving at Oakland on February 15, 1971. Mr. Kim wrote:

I am now on a new mission field, Bay Area in California after I spent 5 years in Utah, and I joined my immediate family after long years separation. ²⁵⁶

Although Mr. Kim had hopes of reviving the Bay Area situation and on the day after his arrival "visited all old members in Oakland and Berkeley," he found little response. Apart from his immediate family, for whom he organized a weekly "English Principle Study Hour," his only stalwart follower in the Bay Area was sixty-three year old John Schmidli, Mr. Kim's first convert in America. Although "Uncle" John witnessed daily, the Northwest family was not about to challenge either the Berkeley Center or Mr. Choi's Re-Education Foundation in gaining new members. For this reason, Mr. Kim moved in another direction.

During his visit to Korea and during a two-day stopover in Japan, Mr. Kim spent much of his time collecting written materials and conversing with officials of the movement's "International Federation for Victory Over Communism" (IFVC). He also spent an entire night in conversation with Dr. Sang Hun Lee, a medical doctor and author of IFVC's basic text. After his return to the Bay Area, Mr. Kim's most consuming task was the translation of Dr. Lee's New Critique on Communism.

Assisted by several local members, Mr. Kim completed his handwritten manuscript, Victory Over Communism and the Role of Religion, on May 1, 1971, and dedicated it at Twin Peaks, San Francisco. By July, twelve typed copies of the manuscript were sent to key Northwest family members for their intensive study. Perhaps, anticipating the problems attending earlier translations of the Principle, Mr. Kim sent a copy of the manuscript to Dr. Lee and noted, "He is very pleased to see his original writing translated exactly into English." In October, Mr. Kim announced that a contract had been made with publishers. In his words,

Hopefully before this year is over all will be completed and in early spring national and international markets shall have our books-not only in U.S. and Canada but even in Europe-arousing much public opinion. ²⁵⁷

Just as important as the Northwest group's own activities was its relationship to the other missionary groups. Part of that relationship was referred to earlier in the United Temple Bulletin's May, 1966, "Expressed Opinions on so called `National Headquarters' in Washington, D.C., by the Northwest Families." At that time, following Rev. Moon's 1965 world tour, David Kim and Mr. Choi joined forces in the Bay Area to counter Miss Kim's national thrust in Washington, D.C. However, following Rev. Moon's second world tour in 1969, Mr. Kim moved toward Miss Kim's group (particularly Edwin Ang's Berkeley Center) in an effort to counter the influence of Mr. Choi's International Re-Education Foundation.

To understand this shift as well as its Bay Area and movement-wide ramifications, it is necessary to develop more fully Mr. Kim's Northwest group's relationship to Miss Kim's and Mr. Choi's groups following Rev. Moon's 1965 and 1969 world tours.

Post 1965. Following Rev. Moon's first world tour, in October, 1965, the United States was divided into four missionary jurisdictions: San Francisco for Miss Kim; the Northwest for Mr. Kim; Chicago for Mr. Choi; and Washington, D.C., for Col. Pak. Although this arrangement was authorized by Rev. Moon, the jurisdictions were undermined by two developments in December, 1965. First, as a result of career obligations and increasing involvement with his newly formed Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation (KCFF), Col. Bo Hi Pak found it impossible to continue full-time missionary work, and Miss Kim moved to Washington, D.C. Second, as a result of Miss Kim's departure, his own delicate health and Mr. Kim's urging, Mr. Choi remained in the Bay Area. While this new lineup of Miss Kim and Bo Hi Pak in the East and Mr. Kim and Mr. Choi in the West was clearly the result of unforeseen circumstances and confessedly provisional, the original fourfold jurisdiction was never realized. The result was an East-West tension that riddled all attempts to forge a national movement in the 1960s.

In a very real sense, David Kim and Mr. Choi were tossed into one another's arms following Rev. Moon's 1965 tour. Not only did Mr. Choi live with Mr. Kim at Edwin Ang's Berkeley apartment for the first month and a half after his arrival, but also following Mr. Choi's move to San Francisco and Mr. Kim's move to Oakland, they continued to join together for witnessing, holidays, and worship services. More important they joined together in attempting to form a West Coast coalition to combat Miss Kim's national headquarters in Washington, D.C.

The dimensions of this West Coast coalition were first evident at the third Northwest "Monthly Training Conference" in Portland, Oregon, March 19-21, 1966. Although Edwin Ang was conspicuously absent, Mr. Choi and five members of the "Japanese" family from San Francisco, Lowell Martin from Oakland, and John Pinkerton, director of the Los Angeles Center all attended. The following month, while Miss Kim was touring East Coast centers, Mr. Kim was in Los Angeles showing slides of Bay Area activities and conducting Sunday service. Finally, in May, 1966, the same month that "Expressed Opinions on so called National Headquarters. . ." was published in the United Temple Bulletin, an "executive committee of the Bay Area" was formed consisting of the two Korean missionaries and three local members. Rather than centralization, the committee stressed local autonomy in witnessing and center activities. ²⁵⁸

The culmination of this West Coast coalition came at a May 28-30, 1966, "United West Coast Fellowship" in Oakland. There, over forty people gathered, representing ten centers from Anchorage, Alaska, to Los Angeles, California. Weekend activities included general introductions, reports, sample lectures and impromptu fellowship. On Sunday, Mr. Choi spoke for one and one half hours in the morning and Mr. Kim for two hours in the afternoon. The final one and one half hour of the afternoon was taken by Col. Bo Hi Pak, an unexpected guest from Washington, D.C. Not surprisingly, his presence was disruptive. According to a Northwest member,

He spoke on the absolute seriousness of our work and then on "Unity." This topic broke our weekend atmosphere of fellowship. It was previously agreed that we would not have a group discussion on this matter of unity until a future date, and then with only major parties involved. Because our fellowship atmosphere was destroyed we spent only a short time sharing songs with our Japanese brothers and sisters. Then we left early. ²⁵⁹

Although Col. Pak broke the fellowship atmosphere, he succeeded in drawing a number of Miss Kim's West Coast members back into the Washington fold. On the other hand, Mr. Kim's and Mr. Choi's groups drew closer together. These ties were cemented further when Mr. Kim's wife and youngest son arrived in the Bay Area, June 24, 1966. Not only were Mrs. Kim and Mrs. Choi old friends but Mrs. Kim brought direct tidings from Rev. Moon that he was "very pleased that Mr. Kim and Mr. Nishikawa (Mr. Choi) are working together in the San Francisco area . . . that Mr. Kim should stand on the position he has taken on the matter of unity, and that he will straighten out all things when he comes to America." ²⁶⁰ Although David Kim left for Clearfield, Utah, in early September, 1966, the East-West missionary division was officially recognized by Rev. Moon in an October 2, 1966, letter to Mr. Choi. Mr. Choi was officially reassigned to stay in San Francisco, and further discussion on the problem of uniting with Washington, D.C., was prohibited. A letter with the same content was sent to Jim Fleming in Washington, D.C.

Post 1969. During Rev. Moon's 1969 world tour, the East-West jurisdictional division was clarified at a ten-hour missionary conference at Washington, D.C., on February 22, 1969. As reported in the United Temple Bulletin,

This misunderstandings and conflicts of the 3 groups were clarified and called for mutual respect and cooperation among the 3 groups in the U.S. from now on. Our Master announced the U.S. would be divided into 2 missionary jurisdictions -- the West and the East. San Francisco will be the headquarters which will be supervised by Mr. Choi, while Washington, D.C., will be supervised by Miss Kim, and Mr. David Kim will be assigned later for new responsibility. In the meantime, he will assist Mr. Choi in being responsible for the West. ²⁶¹

Despite these clarifications, problems persisted. The renewed "outgo" and initiatives of Washington, D.C., headquarters following Rev. Moon's departure again impinged on Northwest operations. In July, 1969, the United Temple Bulletin published a June 15 "Letter to Our Master on the Long Existing Conflicts Between West and East Groups." Included among the by now familiar litany of charges were the following:

a. Constant conflicts with Washington group instead of harmony and mutual cooperation.

b. Constantly trying to dominate the N.W. group by Washington group members.

c. Taking away members from other groups to Washington, D.C., group (sending a worker to Oregon City, 20 miles from Portland, Oregon, chapel, to separate members from us.

d. Slandering and insulting Mr. David Kim -- making propaganda that David Kim is resigned from his missionary work and that he no longer controls and supervises the Northwest and the West Coast, etc.

e. Requesting all kinds of monthly reports from other groups and asking for contributions to Washington, D.C. by blessed couples. But we have lots of doubt on their use of these funds.

f. Openly making propaganda that Miss Kim's translation of the Principle is the only legitimate text approved by our Master and that Mr. David Kim's translation is not approved even if it is the exact translation of Mr Rhyu's [Hyo Won Eu] lecture series in Korean. ²⁶²

To counter Washington, D.C., initiatives, the Northwest family established "United Faith, Inc." in June, 1969. Mr. Kim wrote to his membership:

By my systematic observation there are long years to go to be U.S. Headquarters, even after I recently visited Washington, D.C. in February, 1969. So do your part and fulfill your Heavenly responsibility in America. Don't be upset. I will be with you as your teacher, adviser, counselor and your Korean missionary sent directly by our Master. From now on march on with your new organization -- United Faith, Inc. You have an independent organization different from Mr. Choi's or Miss Kim's. ²⁶³

Significant here was Mr. Kim's assertion of independence from Mr. Choi's as well as from Miss Kim's group. Likewise, in a November, 1969, report, Mr. Kim noted, "In S.F. Bay Area two other groups besides ours are working -- Mr. Choi, Miss Kim's group -- in future we will work together as a team, but the time is not ripe yet." ²⁶⁴ In this sense, establishment of United Faith, Inc., signaled the initial move of Mr. Kim's group away from Mr. Choi. This trend was more dramatic following David Kim's 1971 return to the Bay Area. Not only did he continue to move away from Mr. Choi, but he began to move toward Miss Kim's group, particularly Edwin Ang's Berkeley Center, in an effort to counter Mr. Choi's influence in San Francisco. To understand this surprising reversal, it is necessary to highlight three separate developments: controversy over marketing a sports air gun, the anti-Communist movement, and the growth of Mr. Choi's group.

Following the February, 1969, missionary conference, Rev. Moon spoke of selling a sports air gun in the United States. Invented by a Korean church member and manufactured at the movement's Sootaek-Ri factory compound outside Seoul, the suggestion was controversial. Both Miss Kim and Mr. Choi, whose groups were self-supporting, expressed concern about the effects of gun sales on their public image. On the other hand, David Kim's group, with less to lose, was more supportive. While Mr. Kim's position on the Sports Air Gun had not drawn him any closer to Miss Kim, it did create an initial chink in his relationship with Mr. Choi.

If David Kim's position on marketing a sports air gun created an initial chink in his relationship with Mr. Choi, his enthusiastic support of the church's anti-Communist movement drew him closer to Miss Kim's group. Here, Mr. Kim's interests meshed with Freedom Leadership Foundation (FLF) activities and made for significant breakthroughs. On April 19, 1971, FLF President Neil Salonen visited the Oakland chapel on his return from South Vietnam and Korea. The following month, Mr. Kim was in attendance at the Press Conference called by Berkeley "American Youth for a Just Peace" (AYJP) chapter president, Dan Fefferman." ²⁶⁵

The most significant breakthrough involved a rapprochement between David Kim and Washington, D.C., Headquarters. Traveling there in late June, 1971, to attend an "anti-subversive" seminar conducted by Dr. Fred Schwartz, founder of the Christian Anti-Communist Crusade, Mr. Kim met Miss Kim, Farley Jones (John Farley as Mr. Kim called him), and Neil Salonen. Not only was Mr. Kim impressed with FLF's biweekly newsletter, its full-time staff and Washington contacts, but also he was impressed with the headquarters center. He wrote,

I had a chance to dine with all of Washington, D.C., family and I was very much impressed with many enthusiastic faces of college students as well as old members in the center, and I noticed constant progress made in training members, new programs and church activities, and so on. ²⁶⁶

Again, if the anti-Communist movement served to bring Mr. Kim closer to Miss Kim's group, it further alienated him from Mr. Choi, for whom the conflictual elements of an anti-Communist crusade simply were not appropriate. For Mr. Choi, Communism and Capitalism were both wrong, if not irrelevant. What the world needed was an international ideal city built on conscientious common sense.

Although the anti-Communist movement was an important factor in Mr. Kim's movement toward Miss Kim's group, an even more important factor was the growth of Mr. Choi's group. Whereas Mr. Choi's "Japanese" family seemed harmless enough in 1966, his "International Re-Education Foundation" appeared ominous by 1971. Particularly threatening was the foundation's emphasis on the "Principles of Education." Edwin Ang, who originally moved to San Francisco with Mr. Choi, broke early to teach the "straight" Principle in Berkeley. He and the Berkeley Center looked askance at the "horizontal" social programming of Mr. Choi's Re-Education Foundation. For their part, Mr. Choi's members viewed the Berkeley Center as "not very highly evolved." For this reason, there had been little, if any, communication between the two groups since 1966.

Following David Kim's return to the Bay Area in February, 1971, his move away from Mr. Choi and toward Miss Kim was evident as he began, on occasion, to join in Berkeley Center activities. In addition, Mr. Kim initiated a Bay Area "Blessed" couples association that met on the first day of each month according to the lunar calendar. On April 25, 1971, four of these couples met at Edwin Ang's place where they "discussed the San Francisco situation in case that Mr. Choi and his wife intend to do their work independently from Hq. Seoul, Korea. . . ." ²⁶⁷ This suspicion was more serious than all of the charges Mr. Kim's group had leveled at Miss Kim. Rather than his methods, Mr. Choi's loyalty was being questioned.

In any case, David Kim's move was complete. He sided with the Berkeley Center. This new alignment was solidified in August, 1971, when Miss Kim visited the Bay Area to "chat" with Mr. Kim about Rev. Moon's third world tour and West Coast reception. According to Mr. Kim, "She left all to me and Edwin Ang." ²⁶⁸

Despite all the political posturing, the bottom line of divisions in the American church from 1966 to 1971 went beyond politics to personality. Attempts to forge a national movement during this period were abortive less as a result of political infighting among the missionary groups than as a result of the divergent personal styles of their leaders. Hence, it is impossible to understand either the movement's Bay Area or national development during this period without reference to the biographies of Miss Kim, Mr. Choi, and David Kim. Divisions in the American church were rooted in their life histories.

The backgrounds of Miss Kim and Mr. Choi have been discussed. Miss Kim was an associate professor of religion with an interest in metaphysics and spiritualism. Mr. Choi was a Holiness minister with an interest in social reform. Mr. Kim, on the other hand, had been a government official with an interest in unification of the world's religions. In an account of his background, he wrote:

Uppermost in my mind was always my concern and special interest in religion, and I continued to study and research religious matters unceasingly. Although I was serving as a deacon and choir director at one of the Presbyterian churches located in Kunsan City, and also was holding the position of National Disbursing Officer of Ministry of Finance, socially, I was daydreaming of uniting the established Christian and Buddhist religions, gathering many faithful friends in order to discuss my ideas on religion. . . . Many religious persons from Confucianism, Buddhism and Christianity, as well as other small devoted religious groups from the mountains -- Buddhist priests, spiritually-gifted individuals, astrologers, physiognomists, etc. visited me privately all the time. At that time my idea was to re-formulate a new religious structure, incorporating the good points of other religions based on Christianity, and I freely discussed this with my close friends from the Presbyterian church at which I served. ²⁶⁹

No less than Miss Kim or Mr. Choi for their groups, Mr. Kim shaped the character of the Northwest Family. Thus, rather than as a "church" or as an "educational foundation," Mr. Kim's group consistently identified itself as a "United Faith Movement." ²⁷⁰ For Mr. Kim, the "principles" were cast less in a metaphysical or utopian than in an ecumenical light.

As a result of competing ideas about the nature and purposes of their organizations, differing interpretations of the Principle, and conflicting mission styles, a national movement had not emerged by the end of 1971. Instead, what emerged was a complicated set of missionary jurisdictions, political alliances, and general grievances-nowhere more focused than in the Bay Area. The impasse there was symptomatic of the American movement as a whole.

At the same time, there had been significant developments during the period. Most important were the moves beyond evangelistic witness into economic, cultural, and political activities. This full scale advance continued, though in markedly different fashion following Rev. Moon's third world tour. That tour, begun in late November, 1971, not only inaugurated a unified American movement but also radically restructured priorities. As one of Mr. Choi's Re-Education members wrote, "I sensed some heavy changes were coming." ²⁷¹

206. Bill Smith, "Report from New York, New York," New Age Frontiers, February 1966.

207. Young Oon Kim, "Message for 1966," New Age Frontiers, January 1966.

208. "Expressed Opinions on So Called 'National Headquarters,' Washington, D.C., by the Northwest Families," United Temple Bulletin, May 1, 1966.

209. Ibid.

210. Ibid.

211. Ibid.

212. Myrtle Hurd, "Report from Washington, D.C.," New Age Frontiers, November 1966.

213. Sylvia Rogndahl, "Report from New York City, New York," New Age Frontiers, December 1966.

214. Young Oon Kim, "Brightly Beams . . . Washington Family," New Age Frontiers, January 1968.

215. Edwin Ang, "Looking Ahead. . ." New Age Frontiers, June 1970.

216. Edwin Ang, "Report from Berkeley," New Age Frontiers, January 1966.

217. Mr. & Mrs. Farley Jones, "Field Work: Lecture at Unification Theological Seminary," February 23, 1978, unpublished transcript of talk.

218. Jeff Tallakson, "Report from Berkeley," New Age Frontiers, February 1969.

219. Vivien and Philip Burley, "Family Department," New Age Frontiers, June 1969.

220. Helen Ireland, "Report from Berkeley," New Age Frontiers, August 1969.

221. Jeff Tallakson, "Center Life in Berkeley Unified Family," New Age Frontiers, June 1970.

222. Sandy Singleton, "Center News Notes," New Age Frontiers, January 1971.

223. Felice Walton, "Logos Litho-Print: Berkeley Family Business Grows Up," New Age Frontiers, Fall 1971.

224. Jeff Tallakson, "Report from Berkeley," New Age Frontiers January 1970.

225. Nora Martin, "Field Operations," New Age Frontiers, November 1969.

226. Sandy Singleton, "New Age News," New Age Frontiers, May 1971.

227. Nora Martin, "Koinonia-A New Phase," New Age Frontiers, February 1970.

228. "New Age News," New Age Frontiers, July-August 1971.

229. Neil Albert Salonen, "Student Fast for Freedom," New Age Frontiers, November 1969.

230. Ibid.

231. Neil Salonen and Regis Hanna, "Where Does FLF Go from Here?" New Age Frontiers, April 1971 and Alan Tate Wood, "What I Learned from the True Parent (My Four and a Half Years with the Lord of the Flies)," January 1, 1976, unpublished manuscript.

232. Dan Fefferman, "Statement to the Press and T.V. Stations," United Temple Bulletin, June 1, 1971.

233. Hillie Smith, "Report from Washington, D.C.," New Age Frontiers, March 1969.

234. Philip Burley, "Family Department," New Age Frontiers, June 1969.

235. Farley Jones, "Quarterly Report," New Age Frontiers, April 1970.

236. Hillie Edwards, "In a Time of Crisis, What Is the Pattern of True Individuality?" New Age Frontiers, January 1971.

237. "Master Speaks," January 12, 1972, at the Euclid Avenue House, Berkeley, California, unpublished transcript of questions and answers.

238. Regis Hanna, "Editorial," New Age Frontiers, January 1971.

239. Sandy Singleton, "Center News Notes," New Age Frontiers, January 1971

240. Regis Hanna, "Report on Director's Conference," New Age Frontiers January 1971.

241. Ibid.

242. Regis Hanna, "Editorial," New Age Frontiers, January 1971.

243. Hillie Edwards, "In a Time of Crisis, What Is the Pattern of True Individuality?" New Age Frontiers, January 1971

244. Regis Hanna, "Report on National Director's Conference," New Age Frontiers, June, 1971

245. Regis Hanna, "Focus for the Month," New Age Frontiers, June 1971.

246. "Evaluation of Spiritual Activities 1971." Unpublished report on the Berkeley center.

247. "Let's Stand by Ourselves," United Temple Bulletin, July 1, 1965.

248. David S.C. Kim, "The Establishment of HSA and My Role as One of the Original Participants," United Temple Bulletin, May 1970.

249. "News Release from Clearfield Job Corps Training Center, October 3, 1969, 'Utahan to Be Reunited with Family After 5 Years,'" quoted in United Temple Bulletin, October 15, 1968.

250. Vernon and Maxine Pearson, "Appointment of Department Directors Under New Organization," United Temple Bulletin, June 15, 1966.

251. David S.C. Kim, "News Reports: Clearfield, Utah," United Temple Bulletin, October 1969.

252. See United Temple Bulletin, November 1969 to March 1970.

253. David S.C. Kim, "News Report", United Temple Bulletin, September 1970.

254. David S. C. Kim "News Report" United Temple Bulletin, December 1970.

255. David S.C. Kim, "News Reports: Layton, Utah," United Temple Bulletin, February 1971.

256. David S.C. Kim, "News Reports: Oakland, California," United Temple Bulletin, March 1971.

257. David S.C. Kim "News Report: Oakland, California," United Temple Bulletin, April, August and October 1971.

258. "Brief News Reels: Oakland, California," United Temple Bulletin, May 15, 1966.

259. Dianne Pitts, "United West Coast Fellowship," United Temple Bulletin, June 1966.

260. "Special News from San Francisco, California," United Temple Bulletin, July 1966.

261. David S.C. Kim, "Report on Korean Missionary Conference in Washington, D.C.," United Temple Bulletin, March 1969.

262. "Letter to Our Master on the Long-Existing Conflict Between East and West Groups," United Temple Bulletin, July 15, 1969.

263. Ibid.

264. David S.C. Kim, "News Report: Clearfield, Utah," United Temple Bulletin, November , 1969.

265. "Anti-Marxism Movement Initiated in the West at Berkeley, California, During Month of May," United Temple Bulletin, June 1971.

266. David S.C. Kim, "News: Oakland, California," United Temple Bulletin, July 1971.

267. David S.C. Kim, "News: Oakland, California," United Temple Bulletin, May 1971.

268. David S.C. Kim, "News: Oakland, California," United Temple Bulletin, May 1971.

269. David S.C. Kim, "The Establishment of HSA and My Role as One of the Original Participants," United Temple Bulletin, May, 1970.

270. "Declaration of the United Faith," United Temple Bulletin, August 1963.

271. Kevin Brennan, "When and After Kevin Brennan First Met the Unified Family," Unpublished diary. 

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